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A Special Forces Army

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The “Proconsul” Issues Order 17

Note the Roman framework of “proconsul.” Bremer’s last act before leaving Baghdad on June 28, 2004, “was to issue a decree known as Order 17, immunizing contractors in Iraq from Prosecution…

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Negroponte, when U.S. Ambassador to Honduras from 1981 to 1985, was known as the “proconsul.” [Blackwater, 164.] “He was ‘such a powerful ambassador in Honduras in the early 1980s that he was known as “the proconsul,’ a title given to powerful administrators in colonial times.” –Blackwater, 282. Negroponte was appointed ambassador to Iraq in April 2004. “Negroponte was guarded by Blackwater’s forces upon his arrival in Baghdad in June.” –Blackwater, 283. The embassy in Iraq was an estimated staff of 3,700, including 2,500 security personnel,” ‘a unit only slightly smaller that a full Marine Corps regiment.’ …the Baghdad embassy would house some five hundred CIA operatives.  At the same time Blackwater had just been awarded a vaunted diplomatic security contract worth hundreds of millions of dollars.” –Blackwater, 283.

 

Above the Law

“Blackwater has openly declared its forces above the law. While resisting attempts to subject its private soldiers to the Pentagon’s Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ) – insisting they are civilians – Blackwater has simultaneously claimed immunity from civilian litigation in the United States, saying its forces are a part of the U.S. Total Force. Blackwater has argued in legal briefs that if U.S. courts allow the company to be sued for wrongful death of its workers, that could threaten the nation’s war-fighting capacity: ‘In order for responsible federal contractors to accompany the U.S. Armed Forces on the battlefield, it is essential that their immunity from liability for casualties be federally protected and uniformly upheld by federal courts. Nothing could be more destructive of the all-volunteer, Total Force concept underlying U.S. Military manpower doctrine than to expose the private components to the tort liability systems of fifty states, transported overseas to foreign battlefields… How the president oversees and commands these military operations, including his decisions through the chain of command concerning the training, deployment, armament, missions, composition, planning, analysis, management and supervision of private military contractors and their missions, falls outside the role of [the courts].’” –Blackwater, xx, xxi.

 

Order 17: Immunity From Prosecution

“On June 27, Bremer signed 17, which declared, “Contractors shall be immune from Iraqi legal process with respect to acts performed by them pursuant to the terms and conditions of a Contract or any sub-contract thereto.’ [Coalition Provisional Authority Order Number 17, June 27, 2004].” –Blackwater, 163.

 

A Legal Gray Zone

“Private contractors largely operate in a legal gray zone that leaves the door for abuses wide open.” –Blackwater, xxi.

In late 2006, a one-line amendment was quietly slipped into Congress’ massive 2007 defense-spending bill, signed by President Bush that could subject contractors in war zones to the Pentagon’s UCMJ, also known as the court martial system. But the military has enough trouble policing its own massive force and could scarcely be expected to effectively monitor an additional 100,000 private personnel. While the five-word insert hardly establishes a system of independent oversight, experts will predict it will be fiercely resisted by the private war industry.” – Blackwater, xxi, xxii.

In truth, a Government accountability Office report in December 2006 found that “’officials were unable to determine how many contractors were deployed to bases in Iraq’” – Blackwater, xxii. The military does not know the number of contractors or the services they are providing to US forces, but figures quoted now are 180,000 Independent Military Contractors in Iraq.

 

A “Contractor Brigade”

While former Secretary of State Colin Powell declared that ‘active military is about broken,’ Prince offered up his own proposal to create a ‘contractor brigade’ to supplement the conventional US military. Prince declared he could do it cheaper. He is a man in control of his own army. [Blackwater, xxii].

By 476 A.D., historically the fall of Rome, “A proud army made up of Romans had long since turned into a paid army made up of barbarians.” –Cullen Murphy, Are We Rome? The fall of an Empire and the fate of America. New York: Houghton Mifflin, Co., 2007, p.28.

 

Condottieri

“Centuries ago it was not unusual for monarchs and city-states to contract out much of their war-fighting business to professional mercenaries; the term condottieri, referring to men of this kind, comes from the Italian word for “contract.” –Are We Rome? Pp. 87,88.

 

Scouring the Earth For Special Forces

Blackwater created a new division, Greystone limited, registered offshore in Barbados, which hires new recruits from the Philippines, Chile, Nepal, Columbia, Ecuador, El Salvador, Honduras, Panama and Peru – areas of earth with some of the world’s worst human rights records. Blackwater scours the earth for commandos, special forces, defense, intelligence, and law enforcement professionals ready at a moment’s notice for global deployment. It is Rome’s new global rapid reaction, special forces army.

Thus the difficulty with bringing other nations on board in the War on Terror is outflanked by simply hiring the best special forces each of these nations can offer and weld it all into a giant international Blackwater mercenary army, ready to go anywhere instantly.

 

 

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